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Canada deserves to know.
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In the lead-up to the October 30, 1995 Quebec sovereignty referendum, the Grand Council of the Crees of Eeyou Istchee (northern Quebec) and the Inuit of Nunavik (the Arctic-coast region of Quebec) each held their own referendums on whether they would consent to be included in a sovereign Quebec. Both produced overwhelming "No" results — the Crees at 96.3% with 77% turnout, the Inuit at approximately 96%. Grand Chief Matthew Coon Come published the legal paper "Sovereign Injustice" arguing that Indigenous self-determination under international law gave the Crees the right to remain in Canada regardless of the broader Quebec vote. The 1995 sovereignty referendum failed narrowly (No 50.58%, Yes 49.42%); the Supreme Court of Canada's 1998 Reference re Secession of Quebec subsequently established that any future provincial secession would require negotiation with multiple stakeholders including Indigenous nations. In 2025-2026, as a citizen petition pushes the Alberta government toward a referendum on provincial independence, the Confederacy of Treaty 6 First Nations, the Blackfoot Confederacy (Treaty 7), and Treaty 8 First Nations of Alberta have all publicly opposed the independence movement on identical legal grounds: treaties signed with the Crown predate the existence of the province of Alberta itself (1905), and the province has no jurisdiction to alter those agreements. Sturgeon Lake Cree Nation has filed for a court injunction to block the referendum question; Treaty 6 chiefs raised the matter with King Charles III at Buckingham Palace in May 2026. The legal architecture is now stronger than it was in 1995 — the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples Act became federal law in 2021. The political dynamic is the same: a provincial separatist government dismissing treaty-nation opposition. This article walks both cases in detail, the legal precedents that link them, and what an Indigenous-treaty pathway out of a provincial referendum actually looks like.