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Canada deserves to know.
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Canada's federal spending process runs on two parallel tracks that are routinely confused. The budget is a policy statement: the Minister of Finance's plan for taxing, borrowing, and spending, moved as a ways-and-means motion and implemented through budget implementation acts that change tax law and program statutes. Spending authority, however, flows through the estimates-and-supply track: the Main Estimates (the government's itemized departmental spending requests, tabled by the President of the Treasury Board by March 1), reviewed by House committees, and granted through appropriation acts passed in three fixed supply periods ending June 23, December 10, and March 26. Supplementary Estimates (A, B, and C) top up the mains during the year, and interim supply tides departments over before the mains pass. Each supply period also contains the opposition's allotted days — the limited slots on which non-confidence motions ride. Every supply vote is a confidence matter: a government that cannot pass supply cannot govern, which is precisely how Joe Clark's government fell in December 1979. The Parliamentary Budget Officer provides independent costing and analysis throughout — frequently contradicting government projections, as our PBO explainer documents.
House of Commons standing committees — roughly two dozen permanent bodies of about a dozen MPs each, with membership proportional to party standings in the House — are where the substantive work of Parliament happens. After a bill passes second reading (approval in principle), it goes to the relevant committee for clause-by-clause study: witnesses testify, members propose amendments, and the committee reports the bill back to the House with or without changes. Committee power over a bill has a hard procedural boundary: amendments must respect the principle and scope of the bill the House approved at second reading, and committees cannot rewrite a bill into something else. Beyond legislation, committees scrutinize departmental spending plans (the estimates), conduct studies, and can compel documents and testimony — powers at the centre of repeated showdowns with governments, including the document fight that produced the 2011 contempt-of-Parliament finding. Control matters: most committees are chaired by government MPs, but the Standing Orders deliberately assign three accountability committees — Public Accounts; Access to Information, Privacy and Ethics; and Government Operations and Estimates — to opposition chairs. In a minority Parliament, opposition parties combined hold committee majorities, which is why minority-era committees produce investigations majorities would never allow.